The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was seen as arguably the most influential holders of that office in the nation's history. Although many second-in-commands were limited to marginal or ceremonial roles, Cheney exercised substantial influence during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was often called as the "true president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and claimed the relationship was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their association as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Despite such protestations, Cheney found the laidback president pliable on a wide array of governmental choices.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a faction of neo-conservatives that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults transformed him, making him become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Policies
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on inaccurate reports circulated by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I believed it back then and I hold that view today."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I saw, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, falsehoods, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had written a memorandum outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (featuring "obtaining essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be positioned to take unilateral action when joint efforts cannot be arranged," explicitly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the Oval Office vaguely intent on carrying out what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been sacked by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of lowering America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been behind a plot to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his father's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken advocating attacking Iraq, consistently referencing agency briefings that were both insubstantial or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had resulted from the torture, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and create initiatives to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed labels imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the evil genius in the background that operates invisibly emerge from his domain? It's a effective way to work, actually."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his commercial relationships pursued him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but established relationships in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US agreements worth substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his time at the corporation increased from his $258,394 while military head to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth over $20m|twenty
